Carries the Responsibility of Enforcing Anti Discrimination Laws

Carries the Responsibility of Enforcing Anti Discrimination Laws.

The importance of anti-discrimination enforcement for a fair and equitable U.Due south. labor market and broadly shared economic growth


Almost vi decades agone, the U.S. government enacted a serial of landmark laws and regulations that avant-garde equal pay protections, protected against workplace segregation, and made it illegal for employers to discriminate against workers on the basis of sex, race, color, national origin, or religion. In addition, it created what go on to exist the two primary agencies responsible for the enforcement of federal anti-discrimination efforts—the independent U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Committee and the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs inside the U.Southward. Department of Labor.

These two agencies are charged with removing barriers to employment opportunities, promoting the creation of off-white and equitable jobs ladders, and pushing against workplace segregation—primarily through the enforcement of anti-discrimination protections. Historically, both the new committee and the new agency played key roles in improving the labor market continuing of historically marginalized workers, particularly between the late 1960s and early 1980s, when affirmative action and federal anti-discrimination laws led to the better representation of women workers and workers of color in both the overall U.S. workforce and in well-paying occupations. These groups of workers were able to access more and better jobs while gender and racial earnings divides narrowed.

Yet even as anti-discrimination laws and U.S. labor market institutions led to important progress toward more fair and equitable labor market outcomes, employment bigotry continues to be a pervasive feature of the U.South. economy today. Bereft funding and vulnerability to political whims often keep these two federal agencies from protecting workers against unfair treatment at work, and structural power imbalances in the country’due south employment relations severely inhibit the effective enforcement of civil rights.

Workplace discrimination harms the workers who feel information technology, exacerbates structural and longstanding inequities in the U.S. labor market, and holds dorsum economical growth and dynamism. As a consequence of these continuing practices by employers, millions of workers continue to face up discrimination and remain vulnerable to unfair, caitiff, and oftentimes illegal workplace practices. Particularly at risk are mostly low-income U.Due south. workers who must deal with employers who flout U.S. labor market laws and regulations, and engage in harassment, taking reward of structural racism and sexism that limit outside options and economic security for workers of color, women workers, and, in particular, women workers of color such as Black women and Native American women. This due to racial and indigenous and gender economic stratification stretching back centuries. Until this “double gap” is closed, the U.Due south. economy will remain inequitable, and equitable economic growth that is sustainable will remain out of reach.

This issue brief reviews the academic research on how anti-discrimination policies affect the life and economic outcomes of these historically marginalized groups of workers, the barriers that foreclose authorities agencies from effectively protecting workers against unfair treatment in employment, and the policy solutions that tin advance compliance with civil rights to reach a more equitable labor market. Briefly, those policy solutions are to:

  • Increase compliance with anti-bigotry laws and regulations by essentially increasing funding for the federal enforcement agencies so they tin do their jobs
  • Address gaps in anti-discrimination laws that exclude some of the most vulnerable workers and undermine their effectiveness, particularly for those who work for employers with fewer than fifteen employees and are excluded from anti-discrimination enforcement
  • Expand protected traits under anti-bigotry protections to include more characteristics associated with protected racial and religious groups
  • Deploy and strengthen anti-bigotry enforcement strategies to monitor industries and employers specially likely to violate anti-discrimination laws, especially in lower-paying industries, among a relatively small-scale number of employers, and during economic downturns
  • Invest in robust income support infrastructure that improves outside options of finding new employment to ensure workers and families are protected against negative income shocks, including the loss of jobs or forms of retaliation in the face of employment discrimination
  • Boost worker ability essential for the effective enforcement of anti-discrimination protections past fostering the growth of unions and institutionalizing norms of fairness and disinterestedness

Simply first, let’s turn to the history of anti-bigotry laws and practices to understand how policy solutions to today’s illegal practices are embedded in our existing U.S. labor laws and labor market institutions. The tools to create more than equitable and safe workplace environments for all U.S. workers are already crafted, albeit with limitations at their inception—they just need to exist updated for 21st century workplaces and wielded once again for the good of all workers to accomplish a more robust and equitable economic growth.

The creation of the two federal government agencies responsible for enforcing anti-discrimination laws and regulations

Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the U.S. Congress passed a number of landmark pieces of legislation with the objective of advancing anti-discrimination protections in
The Equal Pay Act of 1963 made information technology illegal for employers to pay men and women different wages for equal work, including safeguards confronting retaliation for anyone who filed an equal pay claim. The post-obit twelvemonth, Championship VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 outlawed workplace segregation and discrimination by race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.ii

In addition, Title Vii introduced the principle of equal opportunity to all phases of employment, banning discrimination in hiring, firing, promotions, grooming, wages, and benefits. A twelvemonth subsequently the enactment of the Civil Rights Act, the federal regime created the independent Equal Employment Opportunity Committee to oversee compliance with Championship VII.

Although the Equal Employment Opportunity Committee originally did not have the say-so to sue employers for civil rights violations, it could investigate and mediate charges of employment bigotry. The commission also issued guidelines, made technical studies, and required larger employers to submit annual reports on the racial, ethnic, and gender composition of their workforce.

That same year, President Lyndon Baines Johnson signed Executive Guild 11246, which established the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs at the U.Due south. Section of Labor and banned federal contractors and subcontractors from discriminating against applicants or employees. The mandate too required contractors to “take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.”

Specifically, Executive Social club 11246 required federal contractors to develop affirmative action plans, set goals, and make good-faith efforts to address any underrepresentation of women and people of colour in their workforces and amongst higher-level positions.

Over the following decades, both of these federal agencies were given greater enforcement powers.3
In add-on to overseeing compliance with Title VII, the Equal Employment Opportunity Committee is now responsible for enforcing the Equal Pay Human action, as well as for enforcing the laws that ban discrimination on the basis of disability, age,four
or genetic information.5
The committee’s key responsibilities include investigating and mediating charges of discrimination, filing lawsuits against employers or labor organizations thought to be in violation of Title Seven, securing compensation for victims of unfair handling at work, and conducting outreach to brainwash both workers and employers about their rights and responsibilities under federal anti-discrimination law.

Likewise, in the belatedly 1970s, the responsibility for enforcing affirmative action obligations among federal contractors was consolidated in the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs. The agency, which currently covers most 25 per centum of the U.S. workforce, is in charge of ensuring that employers doing business with the federal regime comply with anti-discrimination laws by reviewing contractors’ affirmative action plans, investigating discrimination claims, conducting audits, and obtaining financial relief for employees and job-seekers who have suffered unfair treatment.

Affirmative activeness and anti-discrimination laws initially led to a more than integrated U.Southward. labor market by race, ethnicity, and gender

Federal anti-bigotry laws and regulations played an important part in improving the employment and occupational continuing of historically marginalized workers between the tardily 1960s and the plow of the 21st century. When examining the consequence of equal opportunity protections on the individual sector, a squad of scholars found that U.Southward. workplaces were extremely segregated in the mid-1960s. In 1966—the first year the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission nerveless data on the employment and occupational composition of U.S. workplaces by race, ethnicity, and gender—about half of reporting establishments did not have any Blackness men as employees.6
More than than seventy percent did not utilise any Latino men or Black women, and 85 percent did not utilise any Latina women. At least 90 per centum of reporting business establishments did non utilise Asian American men or women.

But in the decades that followed, this kind of segregation vicious. Donald Tomaskovic-Devey at the Academy of Massachusetts Amherst and Kevin Stainback at Purdue Academy demonstrate that as the enactment of the Ceremonious Rights Human activity increased political and social pressure to integrate workplaces, many workers were able to hold jobs in establishments from which they had previously been excluded. As such, by the early 2000s, most eighty percent of reporting establishments employed Black men, 72 percent employed Blackness women or Latino men, 65 percent employed Latina women, and 55 percent employed Asian American men or women.

Overall, then, past 2002, about all establishments that report data to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission employed at to the lowest degree one worker of colour.

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Affirmative action also helped reduce segregation in employment. The evidence shows, for case, that especially during the 1970s and early 1980s, the share of Black and Native American workers increased more than in firms discipline to affirmative action obligations than in otherwise-similar firms. In addition, when studying the effects of the policy, Conrad Miller at the Academy of California, Berkeley’s Haas Schoolhouse of Business found that v years after an establishment becomes a federal contractor or subcontractor, the share of its employees who are Black rises by an boilerplate of 0.8 per centum points.

Miller shows, moreover, that the Black share of employment continues to ascent fifty-fifty as a business firm stops being a federal contractor, proposing this happens because employers makes investments and changes to their screening and hiring practices that persist even after they are no longer subject to affirmative activity regulations.

As the anti-discrimination legislation of the mid-1960s removed virtually formal barriers to education and employment opportunities, many historically marginalized workers also were able to admission higher-paying jobs. Research past Fidan Ana Kurtulus at the University of Massachusetts Amherst shows that affirmative activity played a role in the occupational advancement of Black men and women, Latina women, and White women by creating new pathways for these workers to move up the career ladder and access managerial, professional, and technical positions.

Admission to more than and better jobs, in plow, contributed to narrowing wage divides in the U.South. labor market. At that place is bear witness, for example, that every bit the 1972 Equal Employment Opportunity Act extended coverage of anti-discrimination protections under Title VII of the Ceremonious Rights Act to businesses with 15 or more employees instead of the previous 25 or more employees, the share of Blackness men in well-paying jobs rose, and the earnings gap between Blackness and White men narrowed.vii

Similarly, a squad of scholars finds that the Equal Pay Deed of 1963 and the Ceremonious Rights Deed of 1964 set in motion the passage of other anti-discrimination laws and protections that, together, narrowed the pay gap between men and women. Yet among these advancements in more equitable workplaces beyond the nation, there also were signs that progress was slowing in the last two decades of the 20th century.

Progress toward a more fair and equitable U.S. labor marketplace slowed beginning in the 1980s

For most groups of workers, advancement toward a more fifty-fifty occupational distribution and narrower wage divides began to lose steam later on the early 1980s. Among the many reasons why this happened in the last two decades of the 20th century were the continuation of a decades-long drop in union membership, the erosion in the existent value of the federal minimum wage, and the proliferation of low-paying, bad-quality jobs.

What’s more, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs responsible for enforcing anti-bigotry laws and affirmative activeness mandates became less and less constructive at driving workplace integration and fostering employment opportunities for protected classes. In that location is evidence, for example, that the positive effect of affirmative activity in the employment and career advocacy of workers of colour and women workers weakened substantially during President Ronald Reagan’south two terms in function.

The reason, several scholars contend, is that the political commitment to affirmative activity dwindled every bit the Role of Federal Contract Compliance Programs came nether new leadership. Indeed, the Reagan administration tried and failed to revoke Executive Order 11246 and, amid the effort and subsequently, continued to oppose serious enforcement of the affirmative action statutes and regulations. So, during the 1980s there was a decline in the number of sanctions issued for noncompliance, fewer firms were required to adopt affirmative activity plans, and compliance reviews rarely constitute that women workers or workers of color were unfairly underrepresented in contractors’ workforces.

Something similar happened with the oversight of civil rights under Title 7. The Equal Employment Opportunity Committee was given greater enforcement powers and responsibilities throughout the 1970s.8
But in the 1980s, the agency was overwhelmed by both a massive increment in the number of charges it needed to procedure and a budget shortfall that forced it to reduce its staff.

To be certain, the Equal Employment Opportunity Committee has struggled with capacity constraints and a backlog of unresolved charges through most of its history. But the early 1980s marked an inflection bespeak for the bureau, subsequently which it experienced a consistent reject in personnel that continued unabated over the past forty years.

Federal anti-discrimination enforcement agencies often lack the tools to protect workers against employment discrimination

The work of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs definitely allowed many workers to agree jobs that they were previously kept from holding due to discrimination, as well as to accept stronger protections confronting unfair treatment at work. However insufficient funding, understaffing, and issues embedded in the institutional design of the ii federal anti-bigotry enforcement agencies often keep them from ensuring compliance with anti-discrimination laws and regulations.

A large share of U.S. workers today study facing employment discrimination. According to a recent survey by the task search-and-evaluation company Glassdoor Inc., more than 60 percent of employees take either experienced or witnessed discrimination at work. Similarly, the 2016 General Social Survey found that just less than 20 percentage of U.S. adults had faced discrimination in a job application, a pay bump, or a promotion in the previous 5 years.

By 1 estimate, 26 percent of Blackness workers and 15 per centum of Latino workers are treated unfairly at work because of their racial or indigenous background. An AARP study institute that 64 per centum of older women and 59 percent of older men experience workplace discrimination considering of their age. Simply less than one-half of LGBT workers have experienced unfair handling at piece of work, according to a recent written report by the Williams Found at the University of California, Los Angeles.

The vast majority of cases of workplace bigotry, however, are not reported. Very few cases of discrimination are brought forth within workplaces, and even fewer are reported with government enforcement agencies. By one judge, less than 1 percent of the workers who feel any kind of unfair handling on the basis of sex, race, or another protected characteristic file a formal accuse.

And co-ordinate to the Eye for Employment Equity at the Academy of Massachusetts Amherst, of the 5 1000000 employees who experience sexual harassment at work every year, fewer than ten,000—or nearly 0.2 per centum—file charges with either the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Committee or state Fair Employment Practices Agencies. (See Figure 1.)

Figure i

One important reason why workers practise not study cases of employment discrimination is the  threat of retribution or retaliation, where a worker is fired, demoted, or harassed for opposing discrimination or filing a complaint. This fear is far from unfounded. An analysis of charges filed with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission between 2012 and 2016 found, for case, that well-nigh 2 in 3 workers who filed a complaint with the bureau eventually lost their jobs.

Then, at that place’s the official data that show in fiscal year 2019, more than half of all bigotry claims received by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission—54 percent—were charges of retaliation.ix
The next most mutual types of discrimination claim were for disability, race, or sex-based discrimination. (Come across Figure ii.)

Figure 2

For those relatively few cases that are reported to a federal or country regime enforcement agency, the probability that the worker receives some form of relief is also small. Co-ordinate to an analysis by
The Washington Post
and the Center for Public Integrity, out of the more than one one thousand thousand discrimination complaints workers filed with the Equal Employment Opportunity Committee or state Fair Employment Practices Agencies between fiscal years 2010 and 2017, only in xviii pct of the cases did these workers either receive a monetary compensation or experience a change in piece of work weather. Claims of racial discrimination have the lowest success rates—15 pct end with the claimant receiving some form of relief.

These failures are, in large part, because the Equal Employment Opportunity Committee and the Role of Federal Contract Compliance Programs have long suffered from inadequate funding and staffing, hurting the agencies’ capacity to effectively protect workers against bigotry. A 2018 survey of federal workers found, for instance, that 45 percent of Equal Employment Opportunity Commission staff do non retrieve they have plenty resource to do their job, compared to 36 percent of employees across federal agencies.

Indeed, while the U.S. workforce had lx million more employees in February 2020 (before the coronavirus recession began) than it did in 1980, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission receives roughly the same resources, after adjusting for inflation, as it did four decades ago. In fiscal year 2020, the bureau employed simply 1,939 workers—a 43 percent drib from fiscal yr 1980. (See Figure 3.)

Figure 3

The effective enforcement of anti-discrimination laws is essential to foster equitable U.S. labor market outcomes and promote broadly shared economic growth

Discrimination in employment affects workers’ mental and physical wellness, increases job turnover, holds back upwardly career trajectories, and stymies workers’ ability to build wealth. Past pain the life and economic outcomes of workers who experience it, the unfair handling of workers because of their race, gender, or other protected characteristics also reproduces longstanding inequities and robs the U.S. economy of talent that would otherwise brand it more dynamic.

Here is what research shows about discrimination in hiring, firing, and promotions, also every bit how harassment affects workers’ labor market outcomes.


By outlawing discrimination in hiring, the Civil Rights Deed of 1964 put the brakes on some of the virtually egregious forms of employment discrimination. Prior to the enactment of Title VII, chore vacancy ads could be—and often were—explicitly discriminatory. Yet there is a robust academic literature finding that hiring discrimination on the basis of protected traits, such equally age, sexual orientation, religion, gender, race, and ethnicity, continues today.

Here’s just one case in point: Field experiments—studies in which researchers send fictitious chore applications to real task openings—conducted for several studies find that resumes with distinctively Blackness-sounding names are much less likely to be contacted by an employer than otherwise-identical resumes with White-sounding names. And then, there’south a meta-analysis of all field experiments conducted betwixt 1989 and 2015, which found that White workers received, on average, 36 percent more than callbacks than Black workers and 24 percent more callbacks than Latino workers.

Alarmingly, the authors of this meta-analysis also found that racial discrimination in hiring is almost as prevalent now as it was in the late 1980s. Their report found no evidence that rates of hiring discrimination against Blackness workers had waned over the 26-year period, while hiring bigotry against Latinx workers fell only slightly.


Being fired is one of the most disruptive events a worker tin feel. Workers who lose their jobs confront lower job-finding rates when seeking new employment, are less likely to work as many hours every bit they did before, and feel a sharp drop in earnings that persists even after reemployment. Inquiry also shows that while unemployed job-seekers in general are evaluated harshly when applying for a job, candidates who take been laid off are perceived as less competent than otherwise-similar unemployed job-seekers.

Some groups of workers are peculiarly vulnerable to being laid off as general economic weather condition deteriorate or businesses face trouble. In that location is compelling bear witness that Black workers tend to exist fired commencement as the economy contracts, too every bit being more closely monitored than their White counterparts and therefore more likely to be fired for making a mistake.

Similarly, immigrant workers are more likely than U.S. citizens to involuntarily lose their jobs when a recession hits. A contempo study using Equal Employment Opportunity data finds that—like other forms of bigotry—historic period-related firing and hiring claims increase during economic downturns. As such, discrimination in firing sets in motion a negative feedback loop in which workers belonging to ane or more protected classes may exist at higher run a risk of being laid off and therefore more likely to experience the negative consequences of losing a job.


Discrimination in promotions keeps workers from moving up career ladders and holding positions that are a good match for their interests and skills. For the broader economy, one of the greatest contributors to the country’s racial, gender, and intersectional wage divides is the U.S. occupational structure that continues to be deeply segregated along the lines of race, ethnicity, and gender, and leaves some groups of workers particularly exposed to economic shocks. Further, because occupational segregation sorts women and people of colour—and women of color in particular—into lower-paying occupations, there is a persistent “double wage gap” faced by these women.

Scholars as well notice that Asian American women are less likely to accomplish positions of institutional ability or to supervise big teams than otherwise-similar White women, and a team of researchers constitute that Black men are more than probable to work in depression-wage occupations and less likely to work in loftier-wage occupations than White men with the same level of formal education.

Bigotry in promotion besides finds that these promotion divides take implications for broad economic dynamics. A team of researchers at the University of Chicago’south Booth Schoolhouse of Business organization and Stanford University observe that as Black workers and women workers were increasingly able to pursue careers in professional and technical occupations, the better allotment of talent became a key commuter of economic growth.


Experiencing harassment—unwelcome comport based on race, gender, sexual orientation, or some other protected trait—is associated with worse mental and physical health outcomes, lower levels of task satisfaction, a decline in organizational commitment, and a drop in productivity. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission considers workplace harassment illegal when “enduring the offensive conduct becomes a status of continued employment, or the deport is severe or pervasive plenty to create a work environment that a reasonable person would consider intimidating, hostile, or calumniating.”

The largest number of sexual harassment claims to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission are filed by workers in the accommodation and food services and retail industries—sectors in which women of colour are overrepresented and which are amongst the lowest-paying in the U.Due south. economy. Women are also especially probable to exist victims of sexual harassment in men-dominated sectors such every bit construction.

Further, inquiry by Matthew Knepper at the Academy of Georgia and Gordon Dahl at the University of California, San Diego discover that during recessions, victims are less probable to report instances of sexual harassment with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. They fence this is the case because workers are more than reluctant to face the threat of employer retaliation when the labor market is experiencing a downturn.

written report

Boosting Wages

Policies to promote the constructive enforcement of federal anti-discrimination laws

In the decades since the creation of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and the Role of Federal Contract Compliance Programs, progress against discrimination at work has been both real and uneven. Workplaces and occupations are much less segregated at present than prior to the passage of the Civil Rights Deed of 1964. In general and past most measures, gender and racial wage divides are narrower today than in the 1950s.

Nevertheless historically marginalized workers continue to face both systemic employment discrimination and unfair treatment at work that ultimately contribute to economic inequality, lost talent, and constrained economic growth. Effective enforcement of anti-discrimination protections is a first stride toward challenging systems that maintain racial and gender economic divides.

A starting time stride to increase compliance with anti-discrimination laws and regulations is to substantially increase funding for federal enforcement agencies. The large number of discrimination complaints filed with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, its charge backlog, and its data collection responsibilities all highlight the need for Congress to allocate more resources for the agency. Doing so would not only foreclose farther personnel cuts but too ensure the commission’s budget is advisable for the agency to effectively enforce the state’s anti-discrimination laws past, for example, hiring and training staff, modernizing its data-collection processes, and addressing awaiting complaints.

2nd, policymakers should address gaps in anti-discrimination police force that exclude some of the most vulnerable workers and undermine its effectiveness. Title VII does not apply to employers with fewer than 15 employees. Cocky-employed workers are likewise excluded from federal anti-discrimination laws. As a result, some of the most vulnerable workers in the U.South. economy—many domestic and agronomical workers, who are often employed as independent contractors or may not be currently documented—are excluded from Championship 7 protections.

The federal government could as well follow states and municipalities that have expanded protected traits under anti-bigotry protections. For instance, New Bailiwick of jersey, California, New York City, and the Commune of Columbia all take expanded protections for workers based on hairstyle, which further protects U.Southward. workers based on mutable characteristics associated with a protected racial and religious group, such every bit dreadlocks or cornrows, where workers may exist subject field to boosted scrutiny and discrimination based on racialized characteristics beyond a binary category of racial identity.

Third, enforcement agencies should use their resource to monitor industries and employers peculiarly likely to violate anti-discrimination laws. Workplace bigotry is especially prevalent in lower-paying industries, amid a relatively pocket-sized number of employers, and tends to increment during economic downturns. This highlights the need for what Janice Fine, Jenn Round, and Hana Shepherd of Rutgers University and Daniel Galvin of Northwestern Academy call strategic enforcement—the targeting of high-violation sectors and the ramping up of enforcement powers during recessions to increment the cost of noncompliance.

Quaternary, a robust income support infrastructure that improves outside options is a key complement to anti-bigotry policies. Social infrastructure programs, such as Unemployment Insurance, Temporary Aid for Needy Families, and Medicaid, are essential to ensure workers and families are protected confronting negative income shocks, including the loss of jobs or forms of retaliation in the face up of employment discrimination. These programs give workers facing unfair handling—whether it exist a hostile piece of work surround or additional difficulty finding adequate employment due to discrimination—the economic security and time necessary to make decisions that are in their long-term interests, including reporting cases of bigotry.

In the example of sex discrimination, for instance, testify suggests that workers facing less generous Unemployment Insurance benefits are less likely to report experiencing workplace sexual harassment. This suggests that fear of retaliation and the threat of economic insecurity play an important role in victims’ decisions to not enhance instances of discrimination. Economical security outside of employment improves workers’ position to proactively address workplace bigotry.

Finally, few employers are held responsible for workplace discrimination, which is both a byproduct and a reflection of fundamental power imbalances in U.S. employment relationships, making policies that support organized labor and boost worker power essential for the constructive enforcement of anti-discrimination protections. Labor unions oftentimes protect workers against discrimination by bargaining for pay transparency and fairness in promotions and hiring, narrowing gender and racial wage gaps, and establishing grievance processes.

More than broadly, unions help foster and institutionalize norms of fairness and equity. Recent research by Paul Frymer at Princeton Academy and Jacob Grumbach at the University of Washington shows, for case, that when White workers become part of a union, their support for affirmative action, also equally for policies that do good Black communities in general, increase.

Past pain the workers who experience information technology, employment discrimination deprives the overall economic system of talent and dynamism. Federal anti-discrimination efforts were essential in creating a more than fair, equitable, and dynamic labor market after the passage of the Ceremonious Rights Human action of 1964. Today, the constructive enforcement of affirmative action and equal opportunity provisions tin can assist narrow persistent and longstanding inequities in U.S. workers’ labor market outcomes that take diminished allocation of talent and held back workers from sharing in the economic growth to which they contribute. Lessening bigotry against workers is a basic building block of an equitable labor market.

—Carmen Sanchez Cumming is a senior enquiry assistant at the Washington Center for Equitable Growth.

Carries the Responsibility of Enforcing Anti Discrimination Laws